Do not blame it to Kiran Bedi
The foremost name in the BJP’s list for 2015 Delhi Assembly elections (constituency number 1) was a class ten pass shopkeeper. Going down the list one finds many more persons with similar credentials. Some had police cases in addition. Barring a handful all were cunning, manipulative and crooked with unimpressive histories. Barring the select few, the BJP candidates just looked like a bag of rotten potatoes, not at all suitable to represent Delhi–the aspirant city for becoming the world capital of future. It is foolish to imagine that such faces should inspire hope in the people of Delhi to whom the change in the political culture of India stands as the paramount concern of the time.
It is unreasonable to believe that the voting pattern of the 2014 Lok Sabha election in Delhi could have been repeated. The BJP supporters (33% of votes) and the non-BJP personal supporters of Narendra Modi (13% of votes) both had added then to 46%. The latter, i.e. non-BJP supporter but supporters of Nerendra Modi, would not vote for any Tom, Dick and Harry just because he had the BJP symbol, while the committed BJP voter (33%-32%) would do.
This volatile ‘personal’ voter segment of the charismatic leaders (13% in this case) is the New Age phenomenon of Indian democracy. The New Age voting pattern reflects the sensibility of a sincere, genuine and aware modern Indian who seeks to discover value, meaning and hope, and a certain abstract order in the systems of the world including country, state, work-place, market, society and family. This vote segment floated over to Kejriwal as his personal vote rather than to AAP in 2015. For retaining this vote bank Kiran Bedi should have been declared the Chief-Ministerial candidate of BJP way back in mid-2014, rather than a couple of weeks before the election. By this time the votes had already migrated from BJP and to Kejriwal, as had become clear from the opinion polls. An earlier show of a new and better state team as well as better quality candidates could have helped BJP in retaining this vote segment.
The much hyped state leader Harshvardhan was good for nothing. BJP had lost the 2013 Assembly under his leadership compounded by a loss of 3% share of votes from 36% in 2008 to 33% in 2013. This speaks how much hope people of Delhi had from Harshvardhan in 2013. The 2015 was the fifth consecutive defeat of BJP in the Delhi Assembly elections. Harshvardhan, V.K. Goyal, V.K. Malhotra, Jagdish Mukhi etc had been all along prominent faces during the sequential defeats when the percentage of votes hovered between 36% and 32%. The wins of BJP in the MCD have different story where BSP and independents take away more than half of the votes.
The traditional vote bank politics too was operative in a good segment of vote-bank in 2015. The 1998 understanding of the Congress Party with Laloo’s RJD had produced a stable vote bank for Congress by acquisitioning OBC segment of the Bihari voters of Delhi (about 20% votes of Delhi). This adjustment brought share of votes of Congress from 34.5% in 1993 to 55% for Congress and RJD combine. This was one of the main compulsions of Sonia Gandhi in supporting Laloo in Bihar. Thus Congress enjoyed an exclusive vote bank of Muslims, Bangladeshi immigrants, Christians, Bihari-OBC–RJD supporters, Scheduled castes (if no BSP candidate contesting), and also a good section of Gujjars, Jats, Punjabis and Sharma.
Contrasting this, BJP has a much narrow exclusive support base of Bania and Bihari upper caste, and majority of Jat voters. Punjabi, Gujjar and Sharma also vote for BJP to some extent. Yet, BJP has been giving tickets only the Jat, Bania, Punjabi, Gujjar and Sharma communities, and ignoring all others over the years. The demography of Delhi has vastly changed. People of Bihar, followed by Uttarakhand, UP, Bengal, Odisha, Northeast and South are to be found in significant numbers now. The BJP gave near nil or nominal representation to the people of this diaspora class. BJP leaders of Delhi in general have shown dislike for this group of people. Gadkari openly sides with Raj Thakre. BJP has never raised hue and cry whenever the Biharis have been belaboured in Maharashtra’s roads by MNSsupporters. You cannot afford to be callous and get votes too.
BJP has not shown any active interest in penetrating the diaspora vote segment. In the Bihari diasporas the OBC and Upper Castes have opposite voting patterns, one going along the Laloo-line and the other against it. But if the candidate is Bihari, both vote for him. By distributing plenty of tickets to the Biharis, AAP has been able to woo this large vote bank to its favour, a point of political prudence which BJP lacked severely.
BJP committed grave mistakes. It allowed enough time to Kejriwal to recover and make a comeback. Had this election been held six months back, Arwind Kejriwal would not have had time to recover. The hesitation of the Delhi State BJP in facing an early election was a disaster for the BJP. People perceived it as attempt at horse-trading. Now BJP central leadership must punish those BJP state-leaders who were trying to delay the elections last year.
When the people had just started discounting Arwind from their minds, Gadkari brought him back to the media focus by dragging him to Court and even making him stay in jail for a few days, for the politically minor sin of having pronounced Gadkari ‘corrupt’. Gadkari is not appreciated by the Biharis for his good relationship with MBS, and they only felt sympathetic to Kejriwal.
Kejriwal has the credibility of being an IITian and and a former IRS, and is considered honest by most of the people. He has the IQ (reflected from the IIT and Civil Service performance) which Harshwardhan and others do not have. And Indian culture respects IQ. Great leaders of high IQ only can salvage a nation. Harshwardhan tarnished his own image as health minister, when the prices of medicines were raised.
As more time was allowed to him, Kejriwal understood his earlier mistakes and made necessary changes in his strategy. This time he kept a safe distance from the Naxals and people considered off the track and supporters of terrorism. He just did not utter the world “secularism” any more. He did not cry at all over the few hundred suicides of farmers in Gujarat. Far more farmers have died each year in other states. He used “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” and “Vande Mataram”. This improved his image as a patriot. He kept safe distance from Prashant Bhushan who is seen as supporter of Kashmiri sepatarists. Such changes brought about a sea change in the perception of Kejriwal by the masses.
Administering Delhi during the President’s Rule was the responsibility of the Home Minister. During this period the state of affairs in Delhi remained as poorly as it had been during the Sheila Regime. BJP should have brought some strong anti-corruption ordinance in Delhi and also at the national level to pre-empt the main poll plank of the AAP. The Delhi Government’s attitude remained anti-People during the President’s Rule. Delhi Police remained anti-people and pro-criminal, pro-mafia.
Thus BJP missed the chance. Many people could now think that the BJP was not keen on rooting out corruption from the country. It was not keen on installing CCTV cameras on the traffic lights. It was not keen on making harder laws against drunk driving. It was not keen on punishing harder those who ruthlessly and recklessly crush pedestrians on roads. Commissioner Bassi had not been able to deliver what was needed.
On the other had, law is on the anvil to legalize the illegal properties of the big people in Sainik Farms etc, something which even Manmohan Singh had refused to do. Why and who in BJP does propose such popularity lowering and image-tarnishing programmes?
People perceived the Finance Minister as reluctant to pursue the Swiss Bank probe. This all added to the negative image of BJP. Hence the results of this election cannot be explained in terms of projection of Kiran Bedi or frustration of Harshvardhan or both. These are all false explanations given by the false masters of politics.
No one should forget that in Delhi Assembly 2013 Election, Harshwardhan as the Chief-Ministerial candidate could get only 33% votes of the people of Delhi.